[EBC Discussion Article] - Thoughts on Founder Supremacy






Thoughts on Founder Supremacy
Written by Westinor
Edited by Vorhollah




Zukchiva, an Arbiter in the East Pacific, recently posted a thought-provoking essay on the concept of “Founder Supremacy” in the University of the East Pacific. This piece specifically argues against the idea of “Wanton Founder Supremacy”, in which a founder of a region unilaterally exercises their power against the wishes of a regional community, usually in a sweeping and/or destructive manner. In light of several recent Gameplay events that have highlighted the consequences of unilateral actions by a Founder, as well as Europeia’s own unique relationship with its Founder and later Governor HEM, there may be no better place to have a fruitful discussion on the merits and faults of the concept of Founder Supremacy.

To echo a disclaimer from Zukchiva’s article, the Governor, not the Founder, of a region now holds absolute authority in a region. However, in line with the terminology of the source article and historic phrasing, all mentions of a “Founder” will refer to the player in the Governor position.

Background

Nations that have founded regions have historically had unopposed power in that region. This is a result of mechanics inherent to Nationstates – Founder nations have permanent Executive authority over a region, and can be overruled by no one. This feature enables founders to safeguard their region from unwanted threat, but also modify and shape their region as they see fit.

As Zukchiva details, the concept of “Founder Supremacy” naturally arises from this mechanical imbalance of power. In the hundreds of communities that inhabit user-created regions on Nationstates, a large majority have had founders who have the capability to exercise absolute control over a region, regardless of the wider regional community’s wishes. Founder Supremacy asserts that the powers granted to the Founder give them the congenital right to wield them as they see fit – an argument that Zukchiva points out is similar to the common raider philosophy that control of the Delegacy implies both mechanical and rightful control over a region. This comes into conflict with commonly-established institutions and norms that limit or outright remove the founder’s ability to wield their power to influence regional politics and governance. When the Founder exercises their powers in spite of these restrictions, Founder Supremacy is enacted.

The Case Against Founder Supremacy

Recent events in Astoria and Thaecia in which Founders have exercised their powers in conflict with the standing law of their region have stirred discussion on the dormant topic of Founder Supremacy. In both cases, many argued that the Founder’s actions were illegitimate and destructive to their community, even as the Founders themselves insisted that it was for the better of their region. Why might some parties disagree with a Founder’s decision to do what they feel is best for the region they created?

Zukchiva argues that the region belongs to the community that resides in it, not the Founder. Specifically, he points out that while the Founder created the region, it is often the combined and protracted efforts of a wider regional community that shapes it into what it is – therefore, the contributions that a community of players make entitle them to the final say in how their region should look, not the Founder. Drawing from theories of fairness and justice, Zukchiva makes it clear that the invested time, resources, and energy a player puts into a region gives them the fundamental right to determine a region’s future,

Zukchiva’s argument lays the foundations for a wider case against Founder Supremacy as well. No region can revolve around a single player forever, no matter how energetic, talented, or skilled they may be. The natural progression of a regional community tends towards a diverse and often conflictual array of voices that end up defining it more than any single player ever could, even if they are synonymous with the region’s name or creation. Excessive adherence to Founder Supremacy stifles the growth of a region, often in the same ways that arguments against meritocratic systems point out – with no real reason to believe that their work in a region will be rewarded, a player is not incentivized to put their time into a regional community.

Furthermore, Founder Supremacy holds the consequence of nullifying a region’s laws and norms. In the case of most unilateral actions taken by a Founder, standing Constitutions or governing documents were outright breached, if not completely revoked, by a Founder in their exercising of power. This can set a dangerous precedent for future generations in a community

Why Founder-Centric Governance?

Despite some clear arguments against a founder-centric method of governance, several successful regions have leaned into the power of the Founder or altogether embraced Founder Supremacy as a wider principle. The League and Concord abandoned a democratic system years ago in favor of a Consulate that leverages the power of the Founder to facilitate governance, while 10000 Islands has long had a “Chief Executive” that holds power over the region. Multiple practical benefits come with having a powerful and present Founder, which may explain why Founder-centric government or Founder Supremacy continue as valid methods of regional administration.

As many long-lived regions may be familiar with, a Founder that can legally and straightforwardly utilize their power can stave off conflicts and bad actors looking for trouble. The League and Concord are no strangers to this tale – early offshoots of The League’s original region often threatened the safety and security of The League’s regional community, and having a Founder and eventually Consulate that could weed out and remove players looking for trouble facilitated growth in a region that struggled with internal strife. When critical junctures face a region, having an assertive hand can help with making decisions and seizing the day – as the League is very familiar with, having been the most well-prepared regional community in the face of the Frontier Update, as well as having navigated a 2021 revival on the interregional stage with much thanks to founder Quebecshire.

Founders that can actively leverage their role in regional politics may also stimulate a region’s culture – Europeians are plenty familiar with HEM and the monumental work he has done for the region, and much of the region’s inside jokes and lasting culture are synonymous with him. Founders can put key players in an effective position to uniquely influence regional politics in a way that can allow them to survive often rough and harrowing early conflicts, giving them the time and space to grow as a community until they are stable.

If Founders put in an inordinate amount of work, then, should they be allowed to leverage their position to shape the region they have so long and effectively cared for? Most active Europeians are familiar with Andusre, founder of Thaecia and an important player in the discord that enveloped Thaecia months ago, having initiated a coup of its standing government following long-term concerns about the region’s activity. Undoubtedly, Andusre has put in near-unmatched levels of effort into shaping the region into a dominant interregional player for years, and is the most notable face of the region’s community. If a Founder is active, involved, and in touch with the heartbeat of their region, would it not make sense to allow them to regulate the community and region as they see fit?

Solutions, Compromise, and the Future

Founder Supremacy will continue to exist so long as Founders have inherent mechanical control over a region’s permissions. However, attempts to curb, nullify, or compromise with the concept of Founder Supremacy exist. The League’s Consulate creates a multi-person system that manages the executive powers of the Founder. Many regions share the Founder account, ensuring representation in exercises of Founder authority and setting disincentives to seize the Foundership for oneself, though this practice comes with danger in both IC and OOC respects. Regions like 10000 Islands have made a convention of passing down the Foundership, an inherent act of trust and investment in the community’s future that can instill confidence in the Founder’s proper usage of their authority. Measures to keep a Founder on a tight leash and compromises to ensure Founder Supremacy does not spiral out of control or aligns with the wishes of a community can be fruitful, but they may also be dangerous and divisive.

The Frontier Update has also done more than just throw the terminology of this concept into disarray. Governors may now appoint Successors, and more importantly, regions can now opt to be founded as Frontiers, meaning they have no Founding Authority at their inception. This poses different questions for the morality of Founder Supremacy now that having a Founder is a choice, not a condition, and with the ability to transition a Frontier region into one with a Governor, colloquially known as a Stronghold and back, the questions of the legitimacy of an appointed Governor and how a community might take steps to remove a Governor also exist. Europeia, as one of the first regions to remove a Governor synonymous and important to our region, lies at the frontier of this debate, and any discussion on it should involve, if not start with, our community.
 
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A very good summation of the issue, West. You hint to this throughout the article, but I'd like to explicitly expand on the concept of the social contract when discussing cases where Founder/Governor supremacy is exercised.

A social contract exists between a governor and their community in every stronghold where they co-exist. This social contract, which is often (yet not always) unwritten, describes the authority the governor can acceptably wield over their community without significant resistance or pushback. In autocratic strongholds like TL and Karma, the social contract typically dictates that the governor has nigh limitless power over the community, and what the governor (or an appointed delegation) says goes. In contrast, in democratic strongholds like Thaecia and pre-F/S Europeia, the social contract typically dictates that the governor voluntarily relinquishes their mechanically-unstoppable power to allow the community space for greater autonomy and self-governance. The terms of the social contract are set solely by the governor upon the foundation of a new stronghold, and a community which accepts those terms grows around them.

Both of these have their pros and cons. In autocratic strongholds, there is far less ambiguity about who has the authority to act and to lead, especially in times of crisis. Yet this is also arguably the autocrat's fatal flaw: when the autocratic governor inevitably cannot commit all of their time and effort to their region or should they become largely absent, an unresolvable power vacuum opens up in their place from which it is difficult for most regions to bounce back. Contrastingly, democratic strongholds typically are not as reliant on one individual to keep the ship afloat; yet in times of crisis, legitimacy is a precious and scarce resource for a struggling democracy.

Unfortunately, a lot of - if not most or all - strongholds face times in their existence where the governor and community do not see eye-to-eye. Where the contract limits governor control and those divergences grow large enough in the face of challenges that threaten to destroy the region, the governor is often faced with a choice between keeping the social contract intact or breaking it apart. The former risks losing everything to your own inaction; the latter risks losing it all to your own action, whilst exposing the social contract for what it truly is: an ironclad grip masked as your best-kept pinkie promise. Moments like those are rarely a stronghold's peak, as evidenced by the fact that the most well-known and "violent" implementations of governor supremacy are in regions which are on the brink of some kind of catastrophe. Naturally, strong feelings like betrayal, hurt and confusion swirl on the parts of both contractors, often regardless of which path is chosen. Such is the price of being part of a community you care for in the face of adversity. Yet, even in the aftermath of a broken contract, trust and understanding can be rebuilt between a governor and the community. In fact, I'd argue that it is absolutely essential for regional survival to establish a new contract when the old one is broken. If the region survives, in many cases the newly established order is one which is better suited for the region's needs anyway.

In summary, being part of any stronghold inherently requires a negotiation, silent or otherwise, of how devolved a governor's power is to the community. This negotiation is determined by the governor's vision for the region in terms of autocracy versus democracy, and where longstanding contracts are destroyed by previously self-restrained governors acting to preserve their region, emotionally-charged conflict invariably arises. How a stronghold and its governor deal with that conflict and its aftermath determines whether the region will survive, and how that region governs itself in future, including its new social contract, forged in the ashes of its predecessor.
 
Fantastic piece! It's inspired new thoughts in a subject I had thought my perspective on had been already summed up by Zuk's paper, but now I'm not so sure – don't be surprised if you see a new UTEP work in the coming months that references and responds to this :p
 
This is always a tricky topic because the blunt reality is that Founder supremacy is a mechanical reality in every non-Frontier UCR. You can develop social theory/ideology pushing back against it being something people say out loud, but at the end of the day it's just a fact.

Obviously, a Founder steamrolling the community for selfish or destructive reasons is indicative of bad leadership. That said, any "right" the players who lack mechanical protection have in the region is a social construct, whereas the Founder's power is literal.

To quote myself from a debate in TL&C's Council, regarding checks and balances on Consulate power to dismiss legislators:
NS just isn't like real life with balances of power and whatnot. For example, since I own the Founder, the government exists because I allow it to. And I don't mean that in a sinister or "behave or I'll purge" way, just that... that's mechanically how it is, since all the region's power is intrinsically in the Founder account, or in the Delegacy in the absence of a Founder. So there's limits on how much you can "check" power before it being performative, at a certain point you just have to trust I wouldn't act against the community I've spent 6 years building

I'll dare say the Astoria situation was less caused by Founder supremacy and more caused by the region being run near exclusively by BoM-worshipping teenagers who thought spamming skibidi toilet was the apex of comedy.

The Thaecia situation is somewhat comparable to The League's revolution in 2018 when I called a referendum to repeal the Constitution, which was dubiously legal and undoubtedly at least partially enforced by my then-newfound control of the Founder account.

The one hard opinion I will put out regarding topics approached in this article is that you should never share the Founder/Governor account. It's never worth it. Especially not with Successors existing now.
 
Both this article and the original article by Zukchiva are thought-provoking reads, and certainly codify some principles that I've held broadly.

And I think this extends beyond just founders/governors, but also applies to delegacies as well. In 2013, Milograd couped The South Pacific and basically promoted this "might is right" idea, that gameplay endorsements are the only true measure of power — and I rebutted with an essay on the importance of community decision-making (and apologizing for all my past coups, oops). Granted, a little bit of the discussion there was also offsite community vs. onsite community, so it isn't a 1-for-1 conversation, but there are echoes:

me in 2013 said:
As said before, Nationstates communities are the true problem solvers within regions (No, not just for some silly April Fools day prank). Regions are only made up the people within them. There reaches a point where on game facilities can no longer handle the bandwidth needed for communities to filter through ideas and make choices. This is where the forums come in. Forums are not smokey rooms for the oligarchs, they are telephone lines for all nations who desire to be active.

You cannot solve problems by just seizing power and disregarding the community. It doesn't work, it doesn't make things better. You have a smaller pool of people giving feedback and a weaker region.

As an executive founder, I always recognized that there was a delicate balance. I wanted to have enough influence to stay engaged and have skin in the game, but I was always playing with fire.

In 2010, I recognized that my campaigning against the National Conservative Party (which was dominated by new members) was driving the region perilously close to schism. I had to, ultimately, step back and let Falconias win and also appointed an NCP member as Vice Chancellor. Nearly a half-dozen citizens had been considering leaving, but most ultimately stayed as temperatures went down.

Europeia did face a mass-schism in 2011 partially due to my bombastic rhetoric around certain legal changes (or, at the very least, I failed to recognize the boiling-over point as I had a year before). In response, I resigned as Supreme Chancellor (though did not give up the founder nation aka the ultimate means of power). There was always a sense of, if this region is going to survive, there has to be some kind of accountability.

Early on in our history, I did take unilateral action a few times. I fully dissolved the government in June 2007 and gave myself supreme power — which would probably fall under the "founder supremacy" definition. But I think there were two things at play there:

(1) While not universally supported, my decision did reflect the state of the region. And this was intentionally an interim measure as I prepared to fully abdicate as Monarch >> aka giving up long-term power.
(2) The region was so young, there wasn't much community investment to go around. Up to that point, people had not actually invested *THAT* much at all. Most citizens were dual-citizens from other regions, and we'd only been around a few months. So, if community investment is the key, there's not much that folks have put in yet. We are still mostly a blank canvass.

I think (2) is the more interesting point, because, in effect, founder supremacy will always exist on a region's founding. The founder gets to decide what the theme of the region is, the culture, the initial laws and if there will be a process to make constitutional decisions. It's only through a period of devolution of power does the community play an outsized role, and in my opinion, are obligated to have a stake in the region's destiny.
 
In 2010, I recognized that my campaigning against the National Conservative Party (which was dominated by new members) was driving the region perilously close to schism. I had to, ultimately, step back and let Falconias win and also appointed an NCP member as Vice Chancellor. Nearly a half-dozen citizens had been considering leaving, but most ultimately stayed as temperatures went down.
This I kinda remember. Correct me if I'm wrong, but I think this was when you and I and some other old guards were in the Centralist Party together. And then, as chair of the Centralist Party, I kind of lost my cool when NasalivesII started endorsing candidates from the other party.

This was Europeia's early attempt at political parties.

(2) The region was so young, there wasn't much community investment to go around. Up to that point, people had not actually invested *THAT* much at all. Most citizens were dual-citizens from other regions, and we'd only been around a few months. So, if community investment is the key, there's not much that folks have put in yet. We are still mostly a blank canvass.
This part I can vouch for. We were very young back then, so investment was actually very minimal. We were indeed a blank canvas, which meant we could paint it however way we wanted.

And I, unlike most of the early pioneering citizens, was not a dual citizen but was a Europeian native only.
 
This is a topic I find very fascinating, both as someone who founded a region themselves, but also because I was found the topic of the Ainland SLU Coup quite newsworthy.
There was a lot of statements made during and after the whole thing happened, but what stuck with me is something similar to what Quebecshire mentions above, and that is that the founder/governor does have mechanically the right to do many things.

In that sense I'd define two main concepts, authority and legitimacy. I'm still mulling things over but I think I'd like to outline some ideas here as some food for thought.

To start off, founders have absolute power, which does carry an inherent paradox of sorts. Once a founder comes into a situation where they exercise their absolute power, they reveal the limits of their authority. If there's no consensus or organic order to their actions, this will get noticed.
The backlash from this can either be subtle like the loss of respect or legitimacy in a vague sense, or can be overt in the sense of residents taking some kind of action either some sort of protest or departure of the region for example.
So while the game does grant a founder authority it is the community that grants them the legitimacy, which is essential for the long term success.

There is also another point. If a founder utilizing their authority in spite of community consensus is active erosion of legitimacy, then an inactive founder causes passive erosion of legitimacy. To take the example of Ainland and the SLU, Ainland's long periods of inactivity served as a source of passive erosion of his legitimacy, which then ensured that him using his authority to kick out people from the region was at that point undoubtedly an act of active erosion of legitimacy.
 
This I kinda remember. Correct me if I'm wrong, but I think this was when you and I and some other old guards were in the Centralist Party together. And then, as chair of the Centralist Party, I kind of lost my cool when NasalivesII started endorsing candidates from the other party.

This was Europeia's early attempt at political parties.
What you're describing was a little earlier (early 2008). I actually covered these events in an ENN retrospective a few years ago!
This part I can vouch for. We were very young back then, so investment was actually very minimal. We were indeed a blank canvas, which meant we could paint it however way we wanted.

And I, unlike most of the early pioneering citizens, was not a dual citizen but was a Europeian native only.
For what it's worth, I think the dynamic had started to change by the time you became active. At that point, Pineapleboy became a native President, we had more natives investing in the region. When I suggested Big! Bold! changes again toward the end of 2008, I got a lot of pushback. I think doing anything unilaterally at that stage would've been a more malevolent form of founder autocracy.
 
Oh right, I've had such a long history in your lovely region that I can't keep track of the entire timeline clearly. 🤣

Im gonna read that article.

Ah yes, good old Pine. Gave me my first start in cabinet.
 
Oh right, I've had such a long history in your lovely region that I can't keep track of the entire timeline clearly. 🤣

Im gonna read that article.

Ah yes, good old Pine. Gave me my first start in cabinet.
It is a lot!! I think you were (probably thankfully!!) less active by the time things started hitting the fan with the NCP in late 2009/early 2010.
 
Oh right, I've had such a long history in your lovely region that I can't keep track of the entire timeline clearly. 🤣

Im gonna read that article.

Ah yes, good old Pine. Gave me my first start in cabinet.
It is a lot!! I think you were (probably thankfully!!) less active by the time things started hitting the fan with the NCP in late 2009/early 2010.
I remember now: it was around summer 2009 that I was acting President as Neil's Vice President. And then after that, that fall, I was elected Chief Justice in the election versus my opponent Old Ogastein. So I was still kind of active.

In my campaign platform for chief justice, I vowed to start the judicial training center. And OO accused me of wanting to train people like dogs. 🤣

Anyway, sorry to the authors of this well-written article. I didn't mean to threadjack.
 
This was a really interesting article along with the subsequent discussion
 
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