Op-Ed | Approval Voting




Op-Ed | Approval Voting

Why it's a great fit for Europeia

Written by Kasa
Edited by Vor and Lloenflys


Preface

It feels somewhat strange to start an article without "Welcome Back", but here we are. As a disclaimer, all of the opinions expressed in this article are my own, and not those of anyone else at the EBC or the organization itself. Also, the crux of my argument here will focus on Approval Voting as a concept and not the more specific details of the Elections Act (2024), because some of the changes introduced by that Act are unrelated to the broader conceptual argument.

The Free Choice Argument

Perhaps the most compelling argument against the old system is that it artificially limits voter choice; limiting the amount of votes to fewer than the number of candidates running prevents people who want all candidates (or even any number beyond the arbitrary maximum number of votes) to serve from fully exercising their right to vote for their preferred candidate(s). Although this system supposedly encourages competition, it can also prevent the election of candidates with majority support, leading to a less representative Senate.

One of the arguments in support of the old system postulates that, if we removed the artificial limitation on votes, everyone who ran for office would always or almost always win. Although this situation isn't desirable, the assumption that it would inevitably exist is flawed. We don't have any reliable predictions for how the average Europeian's voting behaviour would change under Approval Voting, because we have never used it. Because the possibility of a larger Senate now exists, some voters may raise their standards around what they consider as an acceptable candidate, leading to more competitive elections as candidates scramble to get votes from a less easily-convinced electorate.

Of course, that might not be the case, and we may consistently see larger Senates. The point is that we do not yet know the effects of the new system, and it is nonsensical to base arguments off of theoretical future results.

Another counterargument is that the introduction of Approval Voting has removed the ability for voters to express a preference for Senate size, and is as such limiting voter choice when it claims to increase it. As opposed to the previous argument, which was misfounded, this argument is just wrong. For example, let's take a hypothetical "Voter A". Voter A approves of 8 of the candidates, but they only want a 6-person Senate. Therefore, they only vote for 6 of the candidates, leaving out the 2 who they approve of least. Approval Voting doesn't remove the ability to express a preference for Senate size, it just makes the vote indirect (via proxy) rather than direct.

This system grants even more freedom to the voter; voters who care about their approval of the candidates first and the number of seats second can choose to vote for as many candidates as they want, whereas voters who prioritize Senate size over electing everyone they approve of can choose to strategically vote to limit Senate size. Ultimately, this situation is a vast improvement over the previous system, where voters in the first group were forced to vote for Senate size anyway and not vote for candidates they wanted to elect.

The Audience Argument

Unlike Presidential elections, candidates in general elections aren't directly fighting or competing with their competitors based on their platforms; this was true even under the old system. They are fighting for exposure and approval, objectives which are usually fulfilled through GOTV efforts. For this reason, the old regime of limiting winners to encourage competition is somewhat misdirected, because it fails to identify the actual objectives of Senate candidates during their campaigns. The average general election voter doesn't think "Is candidate A's platform better than Candidate B's?" like they do in Presidential elections, because the stakes of the election, individual influence of the contested offices, and overall partisan divides are relatively lower in general elections. Rather, the question usually is "Is this candidate good enough to represent me, and do I broadly agree with their policy stances?"

In this sense, rather than trying to prove themselves superior to their competitors, Senate candidates are trying to "sell themselves" individually to the electorate, which is why Approval Voting makes sense in this context; if all candidates have succeeded in this effort and received majority support, it doesn't make sense to not let all of them hold office. The old system attempted to promote a form of competition that simply doesn't exist in Senate elections, and it is good that it is gone.

The Experiment Argument

As mentioned earlier, we really don't have any basis to examine the impact of Approval Voting on our elections, but we soon will. Even those who disagree with the general policy arguments in favor of Approval Voting should agree on this point, because actually trying this system out could theoretically give them ammunition to argue for its repeal. Whether Approval Voting succeeds or fails, it is important that we actually will have actually tried it, and seen the results for ourselves. Hopefully, after the next general election, we will get some renewed debate on the merits of this system, with actual statistics and results to draw conclusions from.

This discussion has been in the theoretical stage for long enough and received enough Legislative and popular support that it is worth testing out, even if that test tells us that we never want to use this system again.

Conclusion

Thanks for reading my opinion article. Hopefully it has done a good job presenting arguments in favor of Approval Voting. At the very least, I hope it ignites some further discussion. I'll be back fairly soon with the next Senate Week in Review.
 
Another counterargument is that the introduction of Approval Voting has removed the ability for voters to express a preference for Senate size, and is as such limiting voter choice when it claims to increase it. As opposed to the previous argument, which was misfounded, this argument is just wrong. For example, let's take a hypothetical "Voter A". Voter A approves of 8 of the candidates, but they only want a 6-person Senate. Therefore, they only vote for 6 of the candidates, leaving out the 2 who they approve of least. Approval Voting doesn't remove the ability to express a preference for Senate size, it just makes the vote indirect (via proxy) rather than direct.

Under the old system, voters could choose the Senate size directly. Saying that the new system still allows voters to select the Senate size is disingenuous because it is not a simple 1-to-1 vote like it was in the old system. As I've stated elsewhere, even in an election where every single voter votes for/approves of 5 candidates, we can end up electing all of the candidates or fewer than 5. Yes, voting for more candidates makes a larger Senate more likely and vice versa, but having an indirect influence on Senate size is not the same as selecting it directly.

I'm not saying the new system is inherently bad for that reason, but I find your argument misleading. It's a substantially different system, and voters do not have the same power over the Senate size that they did before.
 
Unlike Presidential elections, candidates in general elections aren't directly fighting or competing with their competitors based on their platforms; this was true even under the old system. They are fighting for exposure and approval, objectives which are usually fulfilled through GOTV efforts. For this reason, the old regime of limiting winners to encourage competition is somewhat misdirected, because it fails to identify the actual objectives of Senate candidates during their campaigns
In the old system, there were a limited number of Senate seats. Candidates competed with competitors for a limited number of seats (the maximum number of seats was [Candidates - 2]). Saying that candidates didn't compete directly for votes is like saying musical chairs isn't a direct competition for limited seats. If it isn't, then it sure looks like direct competition!

The old regime was not misguided, and didn't fail to identity the objectives of Senate candidates. We've just changed the objectives of Senate candidates!

For some Senate candidates this will mean that their usual 55-65% support will guarantee their election in perpetuity. In the old system, they might lose because there were limited seats. For other Senate candidates, who snuck in on a "misfire" with minority support, I think it'll be a lot harder for them to get elected. Of course voting behavior could seriously change but I think we'll see more votes exhausted, not less (unless picky voters become even more discerning and reduce their willingness to support marginal Senators). I have tracked historical "Percent of votes used" and will look forward to seeing how candidate quality and approval voting are impacted moving forward.

The old regime wasn't necessarily misguided, it prioritized competition and encouraged candidates to differentiate themselves. As you say, candidates will not need to compete with each other in the new system. I am not sure this is a better system, but it definitely is a different one.
 
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Perhaps the most compelling argument against the old system is that it artificially limits voter choice; limiting the amount of votes to fewer than the number of candidates running prevents people who want all candidates (or even any number beyond the arbitrary maximum number of votes) to serve from fully exercising their right to vote for their preferred candidate(s). Although this system supposedly encourages competition, it can also prevent the election of candidates with majority support, leading to a less representative Senate.
I guess this is a part that is a bit weird because you couldve removed the candidates-2 limit without approval voting, thus allowing say a 7 candidate election to provide options for 5 6 and 7 seats.
What approval voting does is in fact take away the choice of seats. I might approve of all 7 candidates but I dont approve of any option bar 5 seats. I used to be able to make my voice heard with regards to Senate size, but now i just have to hope I adjust my vote correctly enough to ensure it.
E.g. I might approve only 5 or even only 4 candidates in order to avoid too many seats
The point is that we do not yet know the effects of the new system, and it is nonsensical to base arguments off of theoretical future results.
I do agree that we cannot fully predict the future by doing a theoretical analysis but I do think its farfetched to call it nonsensical. We should be making educated guesses after all.
this argument is just wrong. For example, let's take a hypothetical "Voter A". Voter A approves of 8 of the candidates, but they only want a 6-person Senate. Therefore, they only vote for 6 of the candidates, leaving out the 2 who they approve of least. Approval Voting doesn't remove the ability to express a preference for Senate size, it just makes the vote indirect (via proxy) rather than direct.
actually you are wrong :P
As others have stated there is a big difference in having a direct and indirect impact on senate size.
Voter A might realize that among the candidates they dont approve of some might have a chance of getting elected, so they might feel the need to drop some of their preferred approved votes in order to bring down the suspected Senate size.
Moreover this clearly shows that the impact on senate size is not only indirect but fuzzy. Theres no clear cut way to predict it
Even those who disagree with the general policy arguments in favor of Approval Voting should agree on this point, because actually trying this system out could theoretically give them ammunition to argue for its repeal.
While I do await any good counterargument to pop up, it should also be noted that a failed experiment might come at a cost to the region. It might be harmless but it might not be.
 
Under the old system, voters could choose the Senate size directly. Saying that the new system still allows voters to select the Senate size is disingenuous because it is not a simple 1-to-1 vote like it was in the old system. As I've stated elsewhere, even in an election where every single voter votes for/approves of 5 candidates, we can end up electing all of the candidates or fewer than 5. Yes, voting for more candidates makes a larger Senate more likely and vice versa, but having an indirect influence on Senate size is not the same as selecting it directly.
I think Kasa makes a good point that this old system was inadvertently disenfranchising (maybe that's a strong word, but I mean removing choice from) some voters.

Here's an example: If the 5 seat Senate won with 51%, but two candidates were tied for 5th with 55% support, why shouldn't both candidates make the cut? The size election introduces these overcomplicated dynamics to voters.

To me, two factors - (1) the candidates and (2) voter choice - are much more important than the Senate size. Voters should get to choose their representatives.
 
Under the old system, voters could choose the Senate size directly. Saying that the new system still allows voters to select the Senate size is disingenuous because it is not a simple 1-to-1 vote like it was in the old system. As I've stated elsewhere, even in an election where every single voter votes for/approves of 5 candidates, we can end up electing all of the candidates or fewer than 5. Yes, voting for more candidates makes a larger Senate more likely and vice versa, but having an indirect influence on Senate size is not the same as selecting it directly.
I think Kasa makes a good point that this old system was inadvertently disenfranchising (maybe that's a strong word, but I mean removing choice from) some voters.

Here's an example: If the 5 seat Senate won with 51%, but two candidates were tied for 5th with 55% support, why shouldn't both candidates make the cut? The size election introduces these overcomplicated dynamics to voters.

To me, two factors - (1) the candidates and (2) voter choice - are much more important than the Senate size. Voters should get to choose their representatives.
It depends on what matters more to voters, I suppose -- Sky illustrates that there are voters who still wish they had a say in Senate size. And I think calling the prior system overcomplicated is comical given all of the issues trying to interpret and fix the new system.
 
And I think calling the prior system overcomplicated is comical given all of the issues trying to interpret and fix the new system.
I think a system with two polls and multiple mathematical formulas will always be more complicated than "check a box, 50% wins."
 
And I think calling the prior system overcomplicated is comical given all of the issues trying to interpret and fix the new system.
I think a system with two polls and multiple mathematical formulas will always be more complicated than "check a box, 50% wins."
What "mathematical formulas" are we talking about here?
 
What "mathematical formulas" are we talking about here?

From the Elections Act (2021):

SS2. The vote regarding the number of seats shall be structured as follows:
(i) Each Citizen shall have a number of votes equal to the number of options available to vote for.
(ii) The options available to vote for shall be the options for numbers of seats of the Senate with the lowest option being 5 Seats, increasing in increments of a single seat per option, to the highest option of seats being the number of Candidates minus two or 10, whichever is fewer. The outgoing Senate may approve a motion by a 2/3 majority vote to increase the options for number of seats beyond 10 with the maximum still being subject to the number of Candidates.

and

SS4. A tie between winning options shall be decided as follows:
(i) The tied option that is numerically closest to the weighted average of all votes cast shall be deemed to have won.
(ii) If two options are both closest in numerical distance from the weighted average of all votes cast, the Election Administrator shall decide the winning option, among those two tied options.

and

OM1. In elections where the number of positions available is known prior to the opening of the vote, each voter shall be provided the number of votes for allocation to candidates equal to the number of positions available. In elections where the number of positions is unknown prior to the opening of the vote, the number of votes for allocation to candidates shall be equal to two thirds the number of Candidates but at least the minimum number of positions and at most the maximum number of positions given the number of Candidates.
 
What "mathematical formulas" are we talking about here?

From the Elections Act (2021):

SS2. The vote regarding the number of seats shall be structured as follows:
(i) Each Citizen shall have a number of votes equal to the number of options available to vote for.
(ii) The options available to vote for shall be the options for numbers of seats of the Senate with the lowest option being 5 Seats, increasing in increments of a single seat per option, to the highest option of seats being the number of Candidates minus two or 10, whichever is fewer. The outgoing Senate may approve a motion by a 2/3 majority vote to increase the options for number of seats beyond 10 with the maximum still being subject to the number of Candidates.

and

SS4. A tie between winning options shall be decided as follows:
(i) The tied option that is numerically closest to the weighted average of all votes cast shall be deemed to have won.
(ii) If two options are both closest in numerical distance from the weighted average of all votes cast, the Election Administrator shall decide the winning option, among those two tied options.

and

OM1. In elections where the number of positions available is known prior to the opening of the vote, each voter shall be provided the number of votes for allocation to candidates equal to the number of positions available. In elections where the number of positions is unknown prior to the opening of the vote, the number of votes for allocation to candidates shall be equal to two thirds the number of Candidates but at least the minimum number of positions and at most the maximum number of positions given the number of Candidates.
Thought so. Are those all that complicated? Maybe I don't think so because I'm used to them.
 
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